Kevin Phillips' New Book " American Theocracy"

American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics ofRadical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21stCentury

ISBN:067003486X Viking / Hardcover / 462 pages /$26.95 Available March 21, 2006 PRE-ORDER FROM:Amazon.com - Barnes & Noble.com or Booksense.com

IN THISREPORT: American TheocracyIntroduction Praise For AmericanDynasty American TheocracyDescription American TheocracyContents American TheocracyPreface

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Introduction:

Kevin Phillips, former Republicanstrategist and bestselling author of American Dynastyand Wealth and Democracy, provides a criticaland extensively researched analysis of the current politicalcondition as shaped by the "Republican Majority" and thealarming future it poses in his latest book, AmericanTheocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil,and Borrowed Money in the 21st Century. This book willbe published on March 21, 2006.

Phillips identifies therole of oil in American foreign policy, the intrusion ofradical Christianity into politics, and the explosion ofdebt, and links them in a frightening vision of the futureof America and the world.

The New York Timeswrites:

"What makes this book powerful in spite of thefamiliarity of many of its arguments is (Phillips ) raregift for looking broadly and structurally at social andpolitical change ... Phillips has created a harrowingpicture of national danger that no American reader willwelcome, but that none should ignore."

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PraiseFor American Dynasty:

"Devastating . . . animportant, troubling book that should be read everywherewith care, nowhere more so than in this city." aJonathanYardley, The Washington Post BookWorld

"(Phillips) is a deep thinker extraordinaire,who does a masterful job of connecting themilitary-industrial dots. . . . A searing indictment of theBush Dynasty." aDouglas Brinkley, MotherJones

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Description: From America s premier political analyst, anexplosive examination of the axis of religion, politics, andborrowed money that threatens to destroy the nation

Inhis two most recent New York Times bestselling books,American Dynasty and Wealth and Democracy, Kevin Phillipsestablished himself as a powerful critic of the politicaland economic forces that ruleaand imperilathe United States,tracing the ever more alarming path of the emergingRepublican majority s rise to power. Now, Phillips takes anuncompromising view of the newest stage of the GOP majority:an inept and weakly led coalition, dominated by religiouszealotry, that is losing America the world s respectaandendangering her future.

From Ancient Rome to the BritishEmpire, Phillips demonstrates that every world-dominatingpower has been brought down by an overlapping set ofproblems: a foolish combination of global overreach,militant religion, diminishing resources, and ballooningdebt. It is exactly this nexus of ills that has come todefine American s political and economic identity at thestart of this century. Matching his command of history witha penetrating analysis of contemporary politics, Phillipssurveys a century of foreign policy and wars in the MiddleEast, showing how all, to one degree or another, reflectedour ever-growing preoccupation with oil. Today, thatdangerous inheritance includes clumsy militarymiscalculations, the ruinous occupation of Iraq, andsky-high oil prices.

He then turns to the surge offundamentalist and evangelical religion in the UnitedStates, outlining the way a long tradition of radical andsectarian religion has taken an unprecedented political roleunder George W. Bush, as more and more Republicans think inapocalyptic terms and seek to shape domestic and foreignpolicy around religion. Finally, he documents how WallStreet and the business interests so closely allied withWashington have discarded the principles of sound financethat once characterized Republican fiscal policy and haveliterally mortgaged the country s economic health tofinancial speculation, accompanied by an unprecedented levelof public and private debt.

Oil, religion, and finance arenot new elements in U.S. politics, but as Phillips makesclear with his formidable command of fact, figure, andhistory, and his long experience as a political strategistand observer, we are now in new and dangerous territory. TheBush coalition has resulted in a dearth of candor andserious strategyaa paralysis of policy and a governmentunable to govern. If left uncheckedathe same forces willbring a preacher-ridden, debt-bloated, energy-crippledAmerica to its knees. With an eye on the past and a searingvision of the future, Phillips confirms what too manyAmericans are still unwilling to admit about the depth ofour misgovernment.

Kevin Phillips is a formerRepublican strategist, has been a political and economiccommentator for more than three decades. He writes for theLos Angeles Times as well as Harper s Magazine and Time. Histhirteen books include the New York Times bestsellersAmerican Dynasty, The Politics of Rich and Poor and Wealthand Democracy.

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AmericanTheocracy

CONTENTS

Preface vii

PART I: OIL ANDAMERICAN SUPREMACY

1 Fuel and National Power 3 2 ThePolitics of American Oil Dependence 31 3 Trumpets ofDemocracy, Drums of Gasoline 68

PART II: TOO MANYPREACHERS

4 Radicalized Religion: As American As Apple Pie99 5 Defeat and Resurrection: The Southernization ofAmerica 132 6 The United States in a Dixie Cup: The NewReligious and Political Battlegrounds 171 7 Church,State, and National Decline 218

PART III: BORROWEDPROSPERITY

8 Soaring Debt, Uncertain Politics, and theFinancialization of the United States 265 9 Debt:History s Unlearned Lesson 298 10 Serial Bubbles andForeign Debt Holders: American Embarrassment and AsianOpportunity 319 11 The Erring Republican Majority 347

Afterwards: The Changing Republican PresidentialCoalition 388 Acknowledgements 395 Notes 397 Index 431

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PREFACE

TheAmerican people are not fools. That is why pollsters,inquiring during the last forty years whether the UnitedStates was on the right track or the wrong one, have sooften gotten the second answer: wrong track. That wascertainly the case again as the year 2005 closedout.

Because survey takers do not always pursueexplanations, this book will venture some. Recklessdependency on shrinking oil supplies, a milieu ofradicalized (and much too influential) religion, and areliance on borrowed moneyadebt, in its ballooning size andmultiple domestic and international deficitsanow constitutethe three major perils to the United States of thetwenty-first century.

Shouldn t war and terror be on thelist? Yesaand they are, one step removed. Both derive muchof their current impetus from the incendiary backdrop of oilpolitics and religious fundamentalism, in Islam as well asthe West. Despite pretensions to motivations such as libertyand freedom, petroleum and its geopolitics have dominatedAnglo-American activity in the Middle East for a fullcentury. On this, history could not be more clear.

Theexcesses of fundamentalism, in turn, are American andIsraeli, as well as the all-too-obvious depredations ofradical Islam. The rapture, end-times, and Armageddonhucksters in the United States rank with any Shiiteayatollahs, and the last two presidential elections mark thetransformation of the GOP into the first religious party inU.S. history.

The financialization of the United Stateseconomy over the last three decadesain the 1990s thefinance, real-estate, and insurance sector overtook and thenstrongly passed manufacturing as a share of the U.S. grossdomestic productais an ill omen in its own right. However,its rise has been closely tied to record levels of debt andto the powerful emergence of a debt-and-credit industrialcomplex. Excessive debt in the twenty-first-century UnitedStates is on its way to becoming the global Fifth Horseman,riding close behind war, pestilence, famine, andfire.

This book s title, American Theocracy, sums up apotent change in this country s domestic and foreign policymakingareligion s new political prowess and its role in theprojection of military power in the Middle Eastern Biblelandsathat most people are just beginning to understand. Wehave had theocracies in North America beforeain Puritan NewEngland and later in Mormon Utahabut except in theirearliest beginnings, they lacked the intensity of those inEurope, such as John Calvin s Geneva or the Catholic Spainof the Inquisition.

Indeed, most of the Christiantheocracies touched on by historians shared two unusual andvirtually defining characteristics. First, they were verysmall in geographic terms. Second, and more important, theywere the demographic results of migrations by truebelievers. The population of John Calvin s sixteenth-centuryGeneva was swollen by French Protestant refugees, and theDutch Reformed Calvinists of the Netherlands got a kindredinfusion from Flemish refugees fleeing Spanish-controlledAntwerp. The Massachusetts Bay Colony, in turn, was built byEnglish Puritan emigrants, and the nineteenth-centuryMormons in Utah represented still another Zion-boundmigration. As for Spain, despite militant Catholicism andthe infamous Inquisition, it was too large and varied anation to fit the small-scale theocratic pattern.Seventeenth-century attempts to shut down Spanish theaters,gambling houses, and brothels failed, and the golden age ofSpanish literature and artafrom Cervantes to ElGrecoaflourished in Toledo and Madrid under court, church,and noble patronage despite periodic homosexual reports andscandals that the Inquisition did not greatlypursue.1

Theocracy in America is of this lesser breed. TheUnited States is too big and too diverse to resemble theMassachusetts Bay Colony of John Winthrop orsixteenth-century Geneva or even nineteenth-century Utah. Aleading world power such as the United States, with almostthree hundred million people and huge internationalresponsibilities, goes about as far in a theocraticdirection as it can when it satisfies the unfortunatecriteria on display in Washington circa 2005: an electedleader who believes himself in some way to speak for God, aruling political party that represents religious truebelievers and seeks to mobilize the churches, the convictionof many voters in that Republican party that governmentshould be guided by religion, and on top of it all, WhiteHouse implementation of domestic and international politicalagendas that seem to be driven by religious motivations andbiblical worldviews. All of these factors and many more arediscussed at length in part 2 of this book.

The threethreats emphasized in these pages could stand on their ownas menaces to the Republic. History, however, provides afurther level of confirmation. Natural resources, religiousexcess, wars, and burgeoning debt levels have been prominentcauses of the downfall of the previous leading worldeconomic powers. The United States is hardly the first, andwe can profit from the examples of what went wrongbefore.

Oil, as everyone knows, became the all-importantfuel of American global ascendancy in the twentieth century.But before that, nineteenth-century Britain was the coalhegemon and seventeenth-century Dutch fortune harnessed thewinds and the waters. Neither nation could maintain itsglobal economic leadership when the world moved toward a newenergy regime. Today s United States, despite denials, hasobviously organized much of its overseas military posturearound petroleum, protecting oil fields, pipelines, and sealanes.

But U.S. preoccupation with the Middle East has twodimensions. In addition to its concerns with oil andterrorism, the White House is courting end-times theologiansand electorates for whom the holy lands are already abattleground of Christian destiny. Both pursuits, oil andbiblical expectations, require a dissimulation in Washingtonthat undercuts the U.S. tradition of commitment to the roleof an informed electorate.

The politicalcorollaryafascinating but appallingais the recenttransformation of the Republican presidential coalition.Since the elections of 2000 and especially of 2004, threepillars have become increasingly central: (1) theoil -- national security complex, with its pervasive interests;(2) the religious right, with its doctrinal imperatives andmassive electorate; and (3) the debt-dealing financialsector, which extends far beyond the old symbolism of WallStreet. In December 2004 The New York Times took up the term"borrower-industrial complex" to identify one profitableengine of exploding consumer debt.

That name does notquite work, but we can hardly use a term like thecredit-card/mortgage/auto-loan/corporate-debt/federal-borrowingindustrial complex. This is a problem still searching forits Election Day Halloween mask. In any event, the rapidballooning of government, corporate, financial, and personaldebt over the last four decades goes a long way to explainwhy the finance sector, debt s toll collector, has swollento outweigh the manufacture of real goods. We are in themidst of one of America s most perversetransformations.

George W. Bush has promoted thesealignments, interest groups, and their underpinning values.His family, over multiple generations, has been tied to apolitics that conjoined finance, national security, and oil.In recent decades, operating from the federal executivebranch, the Bushes have added close ties to evangelical andfundamentalist power brokers of many persuasions. Theseorigins, biases, and practices were detailed in my lastbook, American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and thePolitics of Deceit in the House of Bush (2004). The presentvolume, therefore, revisits mostly the family s influence inhelping these trends and guiding theseconstituencies.

Over three decades of Bush presidencies,vice presidencies, and CIA directorships, the Republicanparty has slowly become the vehicle of all three interestsaafusion of petroleum-defined national security; a crusading,simplistic Christianity; and a reckless credit-feedingfinancial complex. The three are increasingly allied incommitment to Republican politics, if not in full agreementwith one another. On the most important front, I ambeginning to think that the southern-dominated, biblicallydriven Washington GOP represents a rogue coalition, like thesouthern, proslavery politics that controlled Washingtonuntil Lincoln s election in 1860.

But the nationalDemocrats have their own complicity. Their lack ofunderstanding and moxie has contributed to the mutation ofthe GOP. Without that weak and muddled opposition, bothbefore and after September 11, the Republican transformationwould have been impolitic and perhaps impossible.

Clearlythe pitfalls of petro-politics, radical religion, and debtfinance have to be addressed in their own right. However, Ihave a personal concern over what has become of theRepublican coalition. Forty years ago, I began a book,finished in 1967 and taken to the 1968 Republicanpresidential campaign, for which I became the chiefpolitical and voting-patterns analyst. Published in 1969,while I was still in the fledgling Nixon administration, TheEmerging Republican Majority became highly controversial.Newsweek identified it as "The political bible of the NixonEra."

In that book I coined the term "Sun Belt" todescribe the oil, military, aerospace, and retirementcountry that stretched from Florida to California, butdebate concentrated on the argumentasince fulfilled and thensomeathat the South was on its way into the nationalRepublican party. Four decades later, this framework hasproduced the triple mutation that this book willdiscuss.

Some of that evolution was always implicit. Ifany region of the United States had the potential to producea high-powered, crusading fundamentalism, it was Dixie. Ifany new alignment had the potential to nurture a fusion ofoil interests and the military-industrial complex, it wasthe Sun Belt that helped to draw them into commercial andpolitical proximity and collaboration. Wall Street, ofcourse, has long been part of the GOP coalition. On theother hand, members of the Downtown Association and theLinks Club were never enthusiastic about "Joe Sixpack" andmiddle America, to say nothing of preachers such as OralRoberts or the Tupelo, Mississippi, Assemblies of God. Thenew cohabitation is an unnatural one.

Little was saidabout oil in The Emerging Republican Majority, partlybecause I knew I would be in the government when the bookappeared. Still, oilmen liked its political thesis, and Ifleshed out an analysis still relevant todayathat thenation s oil, coal, and natural-gas sections, despite theirintramural differences, would be regional mainstays of thenew "heartland"-centered GOP national coalition. Hitherto,these interests had been divided by the politicalMason-Dixon Line. That division would and did end.

Whilestudying economic geography and history in Britain someyears earlier, I had been intrigued by the Eurasian"heartland" theory of Sir Halford Mackinder, a prominentearly-twentieth-century geographer. Control of theheartland, Mackinder argued, would determine control of theworld. In North America, I thought the coming together of aheartlandaacross fading Civil War linesawould determinecontrol of Washington.

Wordsmith William Safire, in hisThe New Language of Politics entry on the heartland, citedMackinder. He then noted that "political analyst KevinPhillips applied the old geopolitical word to U.S. politicsin his 1969 book The Emerging Republican Majority:'Twenty-one of the twenty-five Heartland states supportedRichard Nixon in 1968. . . . Over the remainder of thecentury, the Heartland should dominate American politics intandem with suburbia, the South and Sun Belt -- swayedCalifornia. "2

This was the prelude to today s "redstates." Mackinder s worldview has its own second windbecause his Eurasian cockpit has reemerged as the pivot ofthe international struggle for oil. In a similar context,the American heartland, from Wyoming, Colorado, and NewMexico to Ohio and the Appalachian coal states, has become(along with the rest of the onetime Confederacy) the seat ofa fossil-fuels political allianceaan electoral hydrocarboncoalition. It cherishes SUVs and easy carbon dioxideemissions policy, and applauds preemptive U.S. air strikeson uncooperative, terrorist-coddling Persian Gulf countriesfortuitously blessed with huge reserves of oil.

Becausethe United States is beginning to run out of its own oilsources, a military solution to an energy crisis is hardlylunacy. Neither Caesar nor Napoléon would have flinched, andthe temptation, at least, is understandable. What Caesar andNapoléon did not face, but less able American presidents do,is that bungled overseas military embroilment, unfortunatein its own right, could also boomerang economically. TheUnited States, some $4 trillion in hock internationally, hasbecome the world s leading debtor, increasingly nagged byworry that some nations will sell dollars in their reservesand switch their holdings to rival currencies. Washingtonprints bonds and dollar-green IOUs, which European and Asianbankers accumulate until for some reason they lose patience.This is the debt Achilles heel, which stands alongside theoil Achilles heel.

Unfortunately, as much or moredynamite hides in the responsiveness of the new GOPcoalition to Christian evangelicals, fundamentalists, andPentecostals, who muster some 40 percent of the partyelectorate. Many, many millions believe that the Armageddondescribed in the Bible is coming soon. Chaos in theexplosive Middle East, far from being a threat, actuallyheralds the awaited second coming of Jesus Christ. Oil-pricespikes, murderous hurricanes, deadly tsunamis, and meltingpolar ice caps lend further credence.

The potentialinteraction between the end-times electorate, inept pursuitof Persian Gulf oil, Washington s multiple deceptions, andthe credit and financial crisis that could follow asubstantial liquidation by foreign holders of U.S. bonds isthe stuff of nightmares. To watch U.S. voting patternsenable such policiesathe GOP coalition is unlikely to turnbackais depressing to someone who spent many yearsresearching, watching, and cheering those grassroots.

Four decades ago, although The Emerging RepublicanMajority said little about southern fundamentalists andevangelicals, the new GOP coalition seemed certain to enjoya major infusion of conservative northern Catholics andsouthern Protestants. This troubled me not at all. Duringthe 1970s and part of the 1980s, I agreed with thepredominating Republican argument that "secular" liberals,by badly misjudging the depth and importance of religion inthe United States, had given conservatives a powerful andlegitimate electoral opportunity.

Since then, myappreciation of the intensity of religion in the UnitedStates has deepened. Its huge carryover from the eighteenthand nineteenth centuries turns out to have seeded a similarevangelical wave in the twentieth and early twenty-firstcenturies. In 1998, after years of research, I published TheCousins Wars, a lengthy study of the three greatEnglish-speaking internal convulsionsathe English Civil Warof the 1640s, the American Revolution, and the American WarBetween the States. Amid each fratricide, religiousdivisions figured so strongly in people s choosing sidesthat persisting threads became clearapietists and puritansversus high-church adherents, and a recurrent conviction bymilitant evangelicals, from the 1640s to the 1860s,culminating in the American Civil War, that theirs was thecause of liberty and the Protestant Reformation. The overallanalysis and its documentation were taken seriously enoughthat the book became a finalist for that year s PulitzerPrize in history. Indeed, my wife and I were sufficientlyimpressed by the historical roles of the scores ofeighteenth-century churches we visitedafrom the pastelCaribbean stuccos of Anglican South Carolina to the stonefortresses of Presbyterian Pennsylvania and the whiteCongregational meetinghouses of New Englandato think ofwriting a book on them sometime (we still do).

Such wasreligion s enduring importance in the United States when itwas trod upon in the 1960s and thereafter by secularadvocates determined to push Christianity out of the publicsquare, a mistake that unleashed an evangelical,fundamentalist, and Pentecostal counterreformation that insome ways is still building. As part 2 will explore, strongtheocratic pressures are already visible in the Republicannational coalition and its leadership, while the substantialportion of Christian America committed to theories ofArmageddon and the inerrancy of the Bible has already madethe GOP into America s first religious party.

Itsreligiosity reaches across the boardafrom domestic policy toforeign affairs. Besides providing critical support forinvading Iraq, widely anathematized by preachers as a secondBabylon, the Republican coalition s clash with science hasseeded half a dozen controversies. These include Bible-baseddisbelief in Darwinian theories of evolution, dismissal ofglobal warming, disagreement with geological explanations offossil-fuel depletion, religious rejection of globalpopulation planning, derogation of women s rights,opposition to stem-cell research, and so on. This suggeststhat U.S. society and politics may again be heading for adefining controversy such as the Scopes trial of 1925. Thatembarrassment chastened fundamentalism for a generation, butthe outcome of the eventual twenty-first-century test ishardly assured.

Book buyers will understand that in theseUnited States volumes able to sell two or three hundredthousand hardcover copies are uncommon. Not rare, justuncommon. Consider, then, the publishing success ofend-times preacher Tim LaHaye, earlier the politicallyshrewd founder (in 1981) of the Washington-based Council forNational Policy. Beginning in 1994 LaHaye successfullycoauthored a series of books on the rapture, thetribulation, and the road to Armageddon that has since soldsome sixty million copies in print, video, and cassetteforms. Evangelist Jerry Falwell hailed it as probably themost influential religious publishing event since theBible.3 Several novels of the Left Behind series rose tonumber one on the New York Times fiction bestseller list,and the series as a whole almost certainly reached fifteento twenty million American voters. Political aides in theBush White House must have read several volumes, if only forpointers on constituency sentiment.

In that respect, thebooks were highly informative. LaHaye s novels furnishedhints rarely discussed by serious publications as to whyGeorge W. Bush s 2002 -- 2003 call for war in Iraq includedjeering at the United Nations, harped on the evil regime inBaghdad, and pretended that democracy, not oil, was themotive. LaHaye had authored essentially that plot almost adecade earlier. His evil antichrist, who had a Frenchfinancial adviser and rose to power through the UnitedNations, was headquartered in New Babylon, Iraq, not farfrom the Baghdad of Bush s arch-devil, Saddam Hussein. Thefictional Tribulation Force, which fought in God s name,represented goodness and had nothing to do with oil, whichwas one of the antichrist s evil chessboards.

Twenty yearsago, The New York Times would not have considered LaHaye forthe bestseller list, and my scenario of his writingsinfluencing the White House could only have been spoof. Notso today. In a late-2004 speech, the retiring televisionjournalist Bill Moyers, himself an ordained Baptistminister, broke with polite convention. He told an audienceat the Harvard medical school that "one of the biggestchanges in politics in my lifetime is that the delusional isno longer marginal. It has come in from the fringe, to sitin the seat of power in the Oval Office and in Congress. Forthe first time in our history, ideology and theology hold amonopoly of power in Washington."4

I would put it somewhatdifferently. These developments have warped the Republicanparty and its electoral coalition, muted Democratic voices,and become a gathering threat to America s future. Noleading world power in modern memory has become a captive,even a partial captive, of the sort of biblicalinerrancyabackwater, not mainstreamathat dismisses modernknowledge and science. The last parallel was in the earlyseventeenth century, when the papacy, with the agreement ofinquisitional Spain, disciplined the astronomer Galileo forsaying that the sun, not the earth, was the center of oursolar system.

Conservative true believers will scoff: theUnited States is sui generis, they say, a unique and chosennation. What did or did not happen to Rome, imperial Spain,the Dutch Republic, and Britain is irrelevant. The catchhere, alas, is that these nations also thought they wereunique and that God was on their side. The revelation thatHe was apparently not added a further debilitating note tothe later stages of each national decline. Perhaps thewarfare, earthquakes, plagues, and turmoil of the earlytwenty-first century are unprecedented, but the religiousbelievers of yesteryear also saw millennial signs in flood,plagues, famines, comets, and Mongol and Turkishinvasions.

Over the course of the last twenty-five years,I have made frequent reference to these political, economic,and historical (but not religious) precedents in severalbooks, most recently in Wealth and Democracy (2002). Theconcentration of wealth that developed in the United Statesin the long bull market of 1982 -- 2000 was also acharacteristic of the zeniths of the previous leading worldeconomic powers as their elites pursued surfeit inMediterranean villas or in the country-house splendor ofEdwardian England.

This volume, to be sure, is mostlyabout something other than wealth. Its concluding chaptersin part 3 concentrate on the perils of debt, albeit that isalso a financial excess. As we will see, wealth and debthave often overextended together in the modern trajectoriesof leading world economic powers. In a nation s early years,debt is a vital and creative collaborator in economicexpansion; in late stages, it becomes what Mr. Hyde was toDr. Jekyll: an increasingly dominant mood and facialdistortion. The United States of the early twenty-firstcentury is well into this debt-driven climactic, with somecritics arguingaall too plausiblyathat an unsustainablecredit bubble has replaced the stock bubble that burst in2000.

Unfortunately, as my subtitle argues, three of thepreeminent weaknesses displayed in these past declines havebeen religious excess, an outdated or declining energy andindustrial base, and financialization and debt (from foreignand military overstretch). The examples have been clear, andthey thread my analysis in this book. The extent to whichpolitics in the United Statesaand especially the governingRepublican coalitionadeserves much of the blame for thisfatal convergence is not only the book s subject matter butits raison d être.

ENDS
THIS ISSUE Lead NZ News NZ Politics World News FeaturesInternational News Next few weeks a 'crucial period for Middle East - "The coming weeks are a crucial period for the Middle East Israel and the Palestinians will form Governments, the Security Council will discuss the Iranian nuclear programme, and Iraq, Syria and of course, Lebanon will equally continue to figure prominently on the international agenda," said Terje Roed-Larsen. "Decisions made now will determine the course of events in the Middle East for a prolonged period of time and will form the basis for either continued deterioration or stabilization. My hope of course is that we will make further headway in Lebanon, which will send important signals across the region." See... Next few weeks a 'crucial period for Middle East ALSO:Iraq: after reporters murder, free press is vitalAnnan concerned at Middle East violenceMiddle East: Urgent steps to restore calmGovt in Afghanistan must reach local communities

Scoop Audio: Latest UN New Brief... UNHCR Resumes Repatriation of Angolan Refugees from Zambia - Special Envoy Says Terrorist Attacks Have Increased in Afghanistan - Secretary-General Expects Human Rights Council Issue to be Resolved This Week - WFP Officials Arrive in North Korea for Talks to Provide Food Aid - WFP Reduces Rations for Somali and Sudanese Refugees in Kenya.

Greenpeace s Rainbow Warrior into Papua to Protect Rainforest 'Eden - The Greenpeace flagship, Rainbow Warrior, sailed into the Indonesian province of Papua for the first time today as part of a global campaign to help protect the world s last ancient forests. Greenpeace is on a mission to protect the Paradise Forests, the last ancient forests in Asia-Pacific, from illegal and destructive logging, and is launching an eco-forestry programme in Papua to offer community-based forest management as an alternative to large-scale, industrial logging. See... Greenpeace into Papua to protect rainforest 'Eden

MORE INTERNATIONAL HEADLINES:Black GST demands made on Australian High Commiss.Israel/Occupied Territories: Palestinians at riskTamil Tigers Extort Diaspora for 'Final War FundsIndonesia: US Aid to Corrupt TNI Risks More AbusesSouth Africa s progress may show the way for all

Scoop Review: David Robie's Book Is A Must Read For All Pacific Peoples - If you have not yet bought or read Eyes Of Fire, you really owe it to yourself to do so. The memorial edition of David Robie s Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior is an in depth look at the last voyage of the Rainbow Warrior. Originally published in 1986, it brings the era to life in a way that a more retrospective book could not do. Robie himself lived that last journey through the Pacific on board the Warrior. See... Eyes Of Fire: When Nuclear Wars Came To Town

FULL COVERAGE: PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM REPORTAGE FULL COVERAGE: Ahmed Zaoui & Refugee Issues FULL COVERAGE: Reports on the Israel Palestine Crisis FULL COVERAGE: SIS Maori Party Bugging Controversy SCOOP SPECIAL REPORT: - American Coup IIQuick Retirement CalculatorTarget 110 000 ConsumersNZ REAL ESTATE OnlineBook Cheap FLIGHTS OnlineCalculate YOUR NETWORTHTRAVEL: Packages & Deals!MORTGAGE Calculators THE WIRES Scoops Parliament Politics World Business Sci-Tech Culture Education Regional Health SEARCH _m1svt='');

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